Thursday, April 15, 2010

Rise of The Dixiecrats

The Democratic National Convention of 1948 was characterized by division within the party over controversial new civil rights planks. The planks moved the country toward racial desegregation of schools and the workplace. The new planks proposed by Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota were unpopular with southern democrats who supported segregation and the right to associate with whomever one pleased. At the time President Harry S. Truman's own initiatives in the promotion of civil rights, which included the Committee on Civil Rights and the Fair Employment Practices Commission worked against the any compromise he was trying to strike to hold the together the New Deal Coalition that had been passed down to him from the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration. The adoption of the new planks caused thirty-five southern democrats to leave the convention and form the States Rights Party, that be later became know as the Dixiecrats.

The Dixiecrats met in Birmingham, Alabama where they developed the platform below and nominated then Governor Strom Thurman of South Carolina as their presidential candidate.

The State Rights Party platform consisted of the following planks:

1. We believe that the Constitution of the United States is the greatest charter of human liberty ever conceived by the mind of man.

2. We oppose all efforts to invade or destroy the rights guaranteed by it to every citizen of this republic.

3. We stand for social and economic justice, which, we believe can be guaranteed to all citizens only by a strict adherence to our Constitution and the avoidance of any invasion or destruction of the constitutional rights of the states and individuals. We oppose the totalitarian, centralized bureaucratic government and the police nation called for by the platforms adopted by the Democratic and Republican Conventions.

4. We stand for the segregation of the races and the racial integrity of each race; the constitutional right to choose one's associates; to accept private employment without governmental interference, and to learn one's living in any lawful way. We oppose the elimination of segregation, the repeal of miscegenation statutes, and the control of private employment by Federal bureaucrats called for by the misnamed civil rights program. We favor home-rule, local self-government and a minimum interference with individual rights.

5. We oppose and condemn the action of the Democratic Convention in sponsoring a civil rights program calling for the elimination of segregation, social equality by Federal fiat, regulations of private employment practices, voting, and local law enforcement.

6. We affirm that the effective enforcement of such a program would be utterly destructive of the social, economic and political life of the Southern people, and of other localities in which there may be differences in race, creed or national origin in appreciable numbers.

7. We stand for the check and balances provided by the three departments of our government. We oppose the usurpation of legislative functions by the executive and judicial departments. We unreservedly condemn the effort to establish in the United States a police nation that would destroy the last vestige of liberty enjoyed by a citizen.

8. We demand that there be returned to the people to whom of right they belong, those powers needed for the preservation of human rights and the discharge of our responsibility as democrats for human welfare. We oppose a denial of those by political parties, a barter or sale of those rights by a political convention, as well as any invasion or violation of those rights by the Federal Government. We call upon all Democrats and upon all other loyal Americans who are opposed to totalitarianism at home and abroad to unite with us in ignominiously defeating Harry S. Truman, Thomas E. Dewey and every other candidate for public office who would establish a Police Nation in the United States of America.

9. We, therefore, urge that this Convention endorse the candidacies of J. Strom Thurmond and Fielding H. Wright for the President and Vice-president, respectively, of the United States of America.

Thurman won four states, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina and received in excess of seven percent of the total vote. President Truman was re-elected, but the Dixiecrats made their point. The New Deal Coalition would be severely weakened and the struggle racial desegregation would continue for some time to come.

Thursday, April 8, 2010

Book Review - Joe Biden - Promises to Keep

This 2007 book published by Random House 2007 is not only a personal biography but also a chronicle of political events during Senator Joe Biden's life before he became Vice-President of the United States.

Joe Biden was born into a strong Irish Catholic household where family was extremely important. He also formed bonds with peers and mentors who influenced him throughout his life.

Despite this, Mr. Biden has faced much tragedy. His first wife and infant daughter were killed in a car accident on their way to purchasing a Christmas tree. His two young sons, who also were in the car at the time, were hospitalized for serious injuries. That left him as a single parent who was facing a career change as he had just been elected to the United States Senate. The grief led him to the conclusion that he should give up the position to be with his children but, thankfully, friends and family encouraged him to be sworn in as a Senator.

Senator Biden made a commitment to always be available to his sons and even though his sister and her husband moved into the house to help him with the childcare, he rode the train back and forth from his home to Washington every day to honour that commitment.

He was hesitant to date again but, in time found and married his second wife who has been a strong support for the boys and him. After their marriage a daughter was born to them to complete the family.

Senator Biden was not immune to physical problems. As a young man he suffered from two brain aneurysms for which he had brain surgery. This brought maturity and growth to a man who was used to being independent and pushing himself.

"Promises to Keep" not only chronicles Mr. Biden's personal life but also his career. At times, however, his writing is so detailed that, unless you are an American history buff or well-read in world affairs, you might feel bored or overwhelmed. For example, the description of the process where Justice Bork was rejected in his nomination to the Supreme Court, was extremely complex.

The only other criticism I have about the writing style is that there appears, at times, to be an assumption that the reader understands the role or history of various organizations that are mentioned. Even abbreviations used for them are used with a casualness that might not be received with understanding.

i enjoyed this book, particularly when it came to the personal aspects that describe how Joe Biden faced difficulties always with the support of his faith, family and friends. His honesty was admirable. I wish that the simple and clear style in that portion of the book had been carried through to other parts which were clouded with unfamiliar geographic locations, legislative complexity and political wrangling that might not be familiar to the reader.

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From Dr. Linda Hancock, Registered Psychologist and Registered Social Worker

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Thursday, April 1, 2010

Success According to Jimmy Carter's Life

Jimmy Carter was elected president of U.S. in November 1976. However, this fact wasn't a success for him. On the contrary, it marked the beginning of an ordeal, instead of a triumph. His victory was by a slim margin of 50.1 percent, a margin that could not produce the necessary mandate to govern successfully. The signs of an impending catastrophe appeared immediately. First, there were the president's relations with Congress. The House Speaker started by even objecting to the menu the president offered to congressional leaders at their first meeting.

Therefore, almost everything Carter proposed turned to ashes. His comprehensive energy policy floundered in the Senate for months, and when it passed in Congress in 1978, it had so many compromises that the president called it a partial victory. Also, his finance reform and hospital cost containment proposals failed, as did his anti-inflation efforts (inflation rates more than doubled during his presidency). The same happened to his national health care and welfare reforms, as well as to all his domestic reform efforts.

Outside the administration the opposition was also fierce, if not fiercer. Labor unions openly defied the president. The 1977-1978 coal strike continued for 109 days and Carter seemed unable to solve the dispute. The final blow came in November 1979 when the U.S. embassy in Iran was seized by terrorists who took 62 Americans hostage. They also burned Carter in effigy and set U.S. flags on fire in front of waiting television cameras. Carter was unable to end the ordeal: when in April 1980 he approved a rescue plan, it failed miserably, since two helicopters crashed and dead men were added to the sorrowful situation. Finally, Jimmy Carter's presidency ended in total failure: he lost in the next 1980 election to Ronald Reagan.

Early in 1990, however, the situation changed: Carter fell back into favor. The signs appeared immediately. The newspaper Washington Post published an article that year titled "Jimmy --Come Back! All Is Forgiven!" At the same time, the English magazine Economist asked: "Jimmy Carter for President in 1992?" Meanwhile, a poll discovered that in his home state of Georgia he had a favorable approval rating with 74 percent of his fellow Georgians. By 1994 Carter's return was complete. A Nebraska senator called him the "finest living ex-president," and when he appeared in bookstores to autograph copies of his book Turning Point, lots of people were awaiting him.

Also, on a June Tuesday in 1994, at the age of 70, Carter was present in a ceremony in Atlanta for the unveiling of a sculpture of himself. Present were also many dignitaries and his former associates. He was "being honored in life by the kind of tribute usually paid only posthumously," his biographer Kenneth E. Morris says. And in 2002 Carter's efforts on behalf of global peace were recognized worldwide: he won the ultimate honor, the Nobel Peace Prize.

Conclusion

Jimmy Carter's life shows us that being even president of U.S. is not necessarily a successful season in one's life. Success can be achieved through other, very different ways.

On the subject of this article I have written a whole book titled The Seasons of Our Lives. The moment you have finished reading this book, you will be able to know whether the years just ahead are good or bad for you, and how long this season will last. You will be able thus to act accordingly: if there is a storm on the horizon, you will take shelter in time; if sunny days loom ahead, you will take advantage before the opportunity pass. To help as many people as possible to benefit from my book, I decided to offer it free on line (http://www.GeorgeKouloukis.com)

George Pan Kouloukis is a Greek attorney-at-law, a barrister. To contact the author, visit his above web site.

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Thursday, March 25, 2010

This Land is Your Land

This land is your land, this land is my land,
From California to the New York island,
From the read wood forest to the Gulf Stream waters,
This land was made for you and me.

This Land is Your Land [1956] - Woody [Woodrow Wilson] Guthrie [1912 -1967]

Thursday, March 18, 2010

A Book Review of Company Command - The Bottom Line by MG John Meyer

Prior to taking company command, I visited the local PX to find some helpful resources about company command. As I scanned the bookshelf at the PX, I noticed a catchy, reddish colored book with Captain's bars on it. The title said: "Company Command: The Bottom Line" by MG (ret) John Meyer.

I scanned through the table of contents, read the author bio and decided to purchase the book.

Let me start by saying that I found the book very helpful. It was well written, easy to understand and organized in a logical manner.

MG Meyer covered the basics such as UCMJ actions, supply, administration, maintenance, physical fitness, the company commander (CO) and first sergeant relationship, discipline and much more.

What I enjoyed most about the book was the "war stories" that the author used to get his point across. I also enjoyed how the author talked about your "why." He made you think about "why you want to be a CO" in the first place. I also enjoyed when he discussed what makes a good CO and what a first sergeant expects from his or her CO.

The only downside of the book is that it is geared more towards Active Duty company commanders. There isn't too much information about United States Army Reserve or Army National Guard company commanders.

Although the book was published in 1990 (some 20 years ago) most of the advice is still applicable.

In conclusion, this book is a great investment for your military education and professional development. I recommend it to any current CO or aspiring CO.

To learn more about how to be an effective company commander, visit our website at http://www.part-time-commander.com. Charles Holmes is a former company commander and author of the eBook "Part-Time Command, Full-Time Responsibility: How to Effectively Lead a Company in the Army National Guard." To learn more about him, visit http://www.charlesholmes.net.

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Thursday, March 11, 2010

Hilary Clinton - One of the Most Powerful Women in Politics

Hilary Clinton trivia decisively demonstrates that this woman has gone from being just another girl born in Chicago and raised in a Methodist family to go on to become one of the most important figures in contemporary American politics.

Hilary Clinton trivia will show that she became very interested in politics even while very young, and that after graduation from high school she began studying political sciences at Wellesley. Interestingly enough for anyone taking a Hilary Clinton quiz, during these early years she was a supporter of the republican party. It was events such as the assassination of Martin Luther King, and the ambitions of republicans like Eugene McCarthy and Richard Nixon that would eventually cause her to turn her back on the Republicans and become a democrat for good.

It was while studying law at Yale that she would meet her future husband, one of the few people who can legitimately say that he has figured larger in American politics than Hilary herself, Bill Clinton, who eventually became President of the United States. She and Bill were married in 1975, and in 1976 the two of them would relocate to little Rock when Bill was the Arkansas Attorney General. Hilary Clinton trivia will show that she was next the first lady of Arkansas when Bill was elected Governor of Arkansas.

Next, as most know, Hilary Clinton was the First Lady of the United States during her husbands two terms in office. After that though, her own political ambitions were able to come to the forefront, and a Hilary Clinton quiz will show that she was elected as a United States Senator in the 2000 New York election. Many of the issues that she championed as a Senator would come to also stand at the forefront of her own presidential campaign in 2008.

The campaign of Hilary Clinton for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2008 became one of the most closely followed primaries of all time as she and Barack Obama battled to the very end to seek the democratic nomination. However, after Obama was nominated and elected, he was not about to lose out on Clinton's political expertise and experience. He appointed her as the Secretary of State, and she interestingly enough became the very first, First Lady to later be appointed to a cabinet position. Despite some gossip of conflicts with the Obama administration, she seems to currently be enjoying success in her new position as Secretary of State.

Masters of Trivia is a website dedicated to trivia games and quizzes that cover several different areas of interest. The various trivia questions available on the site can be easily accessed and played by going tohttp://www.mastersoftrivia.com.

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Thursday, March 4, 2010

Grover Cleavland on the Voters Duty

Your every voter, as surely as your chief magistrate, exercises a public trust. - Inaugural Address [March 4, 1885] from Bartlett's Familiar Quotations

Thursday, February 25, 2010

Game Change - The Audio Drama of a Presidential Campaign - Audiobook Review

Game Change, by John Heilemann and Mark Halperin and narrated By Dennis Boutsikaris, had Washington shaking even before it went on sale. It reveals some shocking information about the 2008 presidential campaign. The authors went out of their way to find out the back story and gossip from numerous angles on the candidates and on others around them. Senator Harry Reid, leader of the Senate, was singled out for racially insensitive words about then Senator Barrack Obama.

The authors leave no one out. They have written about Elizabeth Edwards, John Edwards's wife, going into tantrums and swearing like crazy about him and his antics. The authors expose more about the Sarah Palin selection and how rushed the process was. Not only was no one in the Republican leadership consulted, but little thought and consideration appears to be given to the choice. The choice was a tactic to knock the Obama campaign off guard and that part worked until Palin self destructed in numerous interviews.

Then Senator Barrack Obama is shown to be heavily staged throughout the campaign. They show the two sides of the man, calm cool and collected when on the stump, profane with flashes of anger off the stump. "This #@!% would be really interesting if we weren't in the middle of it."--Barack Obama, September 2008

Hillary and Bill Clinton take their lumps too. President Clinton's inappropriate comments and Obama's observation that Hillary could not control her husband. The book also covers Obama's hard sell to get Clinton on board for Secretary of State. The book opens doors into other mysteries from the campaign like Giuliani's Florida gamble and why he left the race.

When listen to the book it's like living through the campaign once again, but you get to be the fly on the wall with inside view of what really goes on. You will get insights that will inform you, but also make you angry. This should have come out during the campaign, but the press was not doing its job well. Maybe that's the most damning insight of all. If you're a political junkie like me, get the audio book and enjoy the drama.

Listen to the audio sample of the Game Change Audiobook.

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Thursday, February 18, 2010

Historiography of the Peace Conference of 1919 and Surrounding Events

The events of history have been documented as an objective form of non-fiction throughout time. The way in which historians compose these events is termed historiography. Historiography in its simplest terms is a historical form of literature. A more accurate description of historiography is that it is the principles, theories, or methodology of scholarly historical research and presentation. It is also the writing of history based on a critical analysis, evaluation, and selection of authentic source materials, as well as composition of these materials into a narrative subject. It is the study of how historians interpret the past. Historiography is a debate and argument about previous and current representations of the past. Historiography is present in all historical works big and small. The notorious Peace Conference of 1919 has received its fair share of historiography. There are many viewpoints and interpretations of the ins and outs of the peace conference by vast numbers of historians; the historical works that will be focused on in this composition are The Illusion of Peace: International Relations in Europe 1918-1933 by Sally Marks, The Peace Conference of 1919 by F.S. Marston, Great Britain, France, and the German Problem 1918-1939 by W.M. Jordan, and Paris 1919: Six Months that Changed the World by Margaret MacMillan.

The extent as to which the conference was discussed varies by historian. Sally Marks' The Illusion of Peace, is broken down into six chapters that focus primarily on peace. These chapters are titled The Pursuit of Peace, The Effort to Enforce the Peace, The Revision of the Peace, The Years of Illusion, The Crumbling of Illusion, and The End of All Illusion. For the sake of this composition we will focus on chapter 1, The Pursuit of Peace, which deals primarily with the Peace Conference. Marks begins The Illusion of Peace by stating that "major wars often provide the punctuation marks of history, primarily because they force drastic realignments in the relationships among states." F.S. Marston chose to take a slightly different route in recording the occurrences of the Peace Conference in his The Peace Conference of 1919. Marston's main focus was not on the concept of peace itself but the actual procedure of the Peace Conference. In the preface of The Peace Conference of 1919, he states that his purpose for writing the book was because "there was an obvious need for an objective analysis of the organization of the Conference." Marston breaks The Peace Conference of 1919 into eighteen chapters. These chaoters go into great detail about the characteristics of the conference. The book begins with "The Paris Peace Conference was a unique gathering of the nations. We are still perhaps too near it and too deeply involved in its consequences to make a final appraisal of its work."

Another perspective to be discussed is that of W. M. Jordan in Great Britain, France, and the German Problem 1918-1939, which is divided into seventeen chapters. These chapters discuss everything from the concepts of peace of 1914-1918 to the European framework of territorial settlement. Professor C. K. Webster states in the foreword of Great Britain, France, and the German Problem that "this study makes painful but salutary reading. It faces relentlessly certain facts which have produced the world in which we live now. It is objective, and the author has taken the greatest care to be as fair to France as to Britain." The last perspective to be discussed is that of Margaret MacMillan, who, by far, presents the most information on the Peace Conference out of the previous listed historians. Her Paris 1919: Six Months that Changed the World, has eight parts and thirty chapters. In the foreword written by Richard Holbrooke, it is stated that MacMillan's account of the seminal event in Paris 1919 contains several success stories, but is measured against the judgment of history and consequences.

Marks begins, early on in the Illusion of Peace, discussing the sudden collapse of Germany and the surprise it caused to the victors. The defeat of Germany was so prevalent in the minds of the Allies that they failed to consider planning the peace that follows after war. Marks stressed that what little peace planning that was in progress was not even close to being considered effective. She states that out of all of the major Allies, the French were the closest to being the best prepared for matters of peace. She gave the reasoning behind this to be that the French had a predetermined notion of what mattered to them and were less than interested in what occurred on a global scale. Marks writes that the American standpoint on peace was obscured by President Woodrow Wilson's highly ambiguous Fourteen Points, which are ideally good points, but from a realistic standpoint face a difficult time being implemented because of their complexities.

As for the location of the Peace Conference, Marks writes that Paris was not the ideal place for such a conference. Paris was considered a poor location because "wartime passion [ran] higher there than any other location" and the capital was in no condition, after four years of war, to provide lodging and other important amenities to the leaders. In the first chapter, Marks, uses Erich Eyck's A History of the Weimar Republic to support information on the relationship between the Allies and Germany. She also discusses the fatal influenza that was sweeping across Europe and the rest of the world. During this discussion, Marks writes that Germany was fortunate in that its people were not starving like the rest of the war torn countries. As for the actual conference, Marks writes that "When the conference finally got down to business, it functioned very haphazardly. Much of the work was done by committees." She elaborates on this statement by stating that several things played a major part in the haphazardness of the decisions made. Some of these things included influence and idiosyncracy, and personality and prejudice. When dealing with the League of Nations, Marks writes that provided the circumstances of such damaging characteristics the League was set up to fail and the creation of such a thing presented a misleading illusion of peace that was impossible to achieve.

In Marks' recordings of the Treaty of Versailles, she explains that the treaty has been criticized a great deal throughout history and deserves to be because of its numerous inadequacies and lack of attention to "economic realities." Marks writes that despite the criticisms for the economic aspects of the treaty, great care had been taken in the preservation of economic units by the Allied leaders. She presents several different views of certain events in order to provide the reader with as much objectivity as is possible. She explains that despite what has been recorded or despite popular belief, there is always room for argument as to what was and was not effective during the Peace Conference of 1919. The last pages of The Illusion of Peace are dedicated to a chronological table of the events that took place before, during, and after the Peace Conference. There is an extensive bibliography that includes documents and official publications, such as the official journal of the League of Nations, and diaries, letters, and memoirs, such as David Lloyd George's Memoirs of the Peace Conference. An extensive number of secondary sources were used in addition to several periodicals as well. The last component of The Illusion of Peace is Marks' notes and references. All in all, this account of the Peace Conference of 1919 was presented in an unbiased and informative manner.

F. S. Marston took on the role of composing a historical rendition of the organization and procedure of the conference in The Peace Conference of 1919. Marston's position on the organization of the conference is as follows: "The following pages will show the extent to which the throwing away of the fruits of victory twenty-five years ago was due to premature relaxation of effort and failure to make immediate use of the organization that had been so laboriously developed." One of the first things included in The Peace Conference of 1919 was a chart depicting the general organization of the conference. The Council of Ten is the center of this chart, which branches out into the sub-councils, which in turn branch out into smaller more centralized committees. Marston describes the conference in relation to earlier conferences and events. According to Marston, the most critical development that occurred in the year 1917, just two years before the Peace Conference, the Supreme War Council was formally established. Marston includes references from General Bliss to reiterate a fact about the war council and its roles. The primary function of the council was to monitor the conduct of the war, but it also acted as a political body.

After discussing the Supreme War Council, Marston proceeds into discussing the Armistices in chapter two. Within the first paragraph, Marston writes that "The main background to the peace negotiations of 1919 was foreshadowed by the German Note of 4th October asking President Wilson to take the necessary steps to secure a suspension of hostilities." The bulk of Marston's information is based on times, dates, and locations. Chapter two does not focus so much on who did what, but rather when the event took place and for how long did the event last. Marston jumps from the Armistice to the Conference in chapter three and in chapter four. He begins chapter three by discussing the importance of the time interval between the Armistice and the Peace Conference. "It was a time of intense diplomatic activity, but of very little tangible progress, preparation for the Conference being combined with complete uncertainty as to the exact point at which it was to take charge of the negotiations" writes Marston.

In the remaining chapters Marston continues to explain and present the organizational characteristics of the Conference in great detail. The very last chapter is titled Retrospect and includes Marston's view on how the Peace Conference of 1919 has affected the world and how it will continue to leave its mark. He writes "The Peace Conference of 1919 must certainly occupy an important place in the long succession of similar gatherings, if only because of the scale on which it was organized." Immediately following the Retrospect, is the Chronology. Marston's bibliography includes documents, diaries and letters, and general works, followed by his many references. He presents the information about the Peace Conference critically at times, believing that the conference was inadequate in performing the duties it was set to perform.

The perspective of W. M. Jordan, in Great Britain, France, and the German Problem 1918-1939, is one that focuses on disarmament, reparation, and security during the events surrounding the Peace Conference and the events of the Peace Conference. Jordan admits to omitting information that strictly "belongs to the history of this central problem." As with the historical works discussed previously, Jordan begins chapter one, titled Concepts of Peace: 1914-1918, discussing the events that led up to the Peace Conference of 1919. He focuses on the breakdown of the Versailles settlement among other things. Jordan quotes several key people in the events of 1914-1918. One such person, was an American writer or European origin. This writer, according to Jordan, stressed the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, was held at esteem by the British because of his principles of idealism. Jordan discussed that "the idealism which inspired the Allied cause in the Great War of 1914-1918 was, in the first instance, the achievement of British Liberalism." This war was inadvertently a war for democracy. Jordan presented the idea that it is important to understand that the war was not directed at the German people, rather at the Prussian military caste that was controlling them. Jordan also presents two more reasons for the war: the war was meant to liberate nations and become a war to end war. Jordan includes excerpts from Lloyd George's speeches to convey this message. He focuses a great deal on President Woodrow Wilson's role in the quest for peace. When discussing the Fourteen Points, Jordan admits that they are too well known to need to be quoted.

In chapter two of Great Britain, France, and the German Problem, Jordan discusses the fact that "historians have paid little attention to the preparation of the document signed on 11th November 1918, which set out the military and naval terms with which Germany was required to comply as a condition of the suspension of warfare." The purpose of this chapter was to study the political implications of the Armistice. This document started the ball rolling on the Peace Conference. The major players in the composition of the Armistice were Haig, Foch, and Bliss. Jordan discusses that the study of the conflicting views of the three men reveals that the problems with the armistice's military terms were not of a military order, but of a political order. During this discussion, Jordan presents the reader with several questions of the actions of the three men. It is also, in chapter two in which Jordan opposes the notion that the armistice was drafted mostly from President Wilson's policy. He states, "The claim is hardly well founded."

The subsequent chapters of Jordan's Great Britain, France, and the German Problem, discuss the actual Peace Conference and the results of the conference. Chapter 3 is titled The Conference and the Treaty. In the opening paragraph, Jordan gives a description of what to expect from the chapter. According to Jordan, the Peace Conference's course of negotiations in relation to the main aspects of the settlement between Europe and Germany is "given separate consideration" in the concluding chapters. Jordan believes that the chronological order of the Conference's sequence of events is broken up by such an arrangement. He writes, "It may be desirable to preface this chapter by a short composite account of the negotiations in 1919." Jordan also records the illnesses of the conference's key players in chapter three. He describes how President Wilson falling ill played a part in changing the speed of the conference. Lloyd George began to lose hope for a quick resolution after Wilson became ill and was not able to participate in the Council of Four.

Jordan goes to great lengths to remain objective in his descriptions of the personal characters of the leaders. He uses a great amount of quoted material from Lloyd George, President Wilson, and Clemenceau. There is a rather lengthy excerpt from a speech given by Clemenceau on December 29, 1918. This speech was Clemenceau's response to a challenge by Albert Thomas on the eve of the Conference. Jordan is full of questions about the events of the Conference; on every page there is a question or some form of insight presented to be pondered upon by the reader. Jordan presents the perspective of several different countries during the Conference. He discusses the plight that France faced as a result of the Treaty of Versailles. Jordan writes, "France is now left to bear alone the brunt of German resentment. She must insist on the payment or reparation; she must protect the new settlement against disturbance by Germany." Jordan explains that Great Britain's opinion of the Treaty of Versailles was condemning and spawned many debates. In describing the views of the Treaty, Jordan presents the idea that worrying over the criticism the Treaty of Versailles was receiving, necessitated too much digression and is unessential. He focuses on the misjudgment of the purpose of the Treaty. He writes, "That the Treaty had been conceived in the wrong spirit-this was the more general and the more trenchant charge." In discussing the Treaty, Jordan includes his evaluations of many historical works, one of which was Economic Consequences of the Peace by J. M. Keynes. He focuses his attention on two passages of which he claims come to the conclusion that the Treaty was "incompatible with the economic prosperity of Europe." Jordan stresses the idea that Mr. Keynes' economic criticisms were embedded in political philosophy. Jordan provides a historical work of the Peace Conference of 1919 that transcends the times in which it was written. He is bold in his statements, forthcoming with his questions, and fair as one can be in discussing the leaders themselves.

One of the most recent historical renditions of the Peace Conference of 1919 is Margaret MacMillan's Paris 1919: Six Months that Changed the World, which was published in 2001. MacMillan provides a well balanced look at the events in Paris in 1919. She is able to work past the easily taken road of blaming the many ills the world has experienced since this time on the Peace Conference. MacMillan also readily admits that many mistakes were made by the peacemakers. Some of these mistakes could have been easily avoided. Macmillan does an excellent job in taking into consideration the many factors that made many of the decisions made during the Conference seem more reasonable. She addresses countless issues involved in the meetings and committees of the Versailles conference, as well as the politics involved amongst the victorious allies. She addresses the fact that the Conference is most remembered for the production of the Treaty of Versailles; however, she writes, "but it was always about much more than that. The other enemies had to have their treaties." MacMillan seems biased and apologetic. She attempts to win over readers by using an unorthodox approach which is oblivious to the balance of historical facts. For example, MacMillan explains that Keynes was "A very clever, rather ugly young man." Keynes physical attraction seems irrelevant to the events surrounding the Treaty of Versailles, but MacMillan finds it important to make such a statement in describing his entire character. She also makes it a point to bring up the idea that the "Big Three" leaders were from democratic governments.

The format of Paris 1919 is interesting because each chapter focuses on a specific area of the conference. As a reference it is helpful, because each country is focused on in its own chapter. The negative side to this format is that it eliminates the chronological flow of the conference; therefore, making it difficult for the reader to follow the order of event occurrences. The cultural differences among the French, English, American and Italian as well as the German, Japanese, Chinese, Greek and others was outlined rather thoroughly by MacMillan. This book goes section by section through the world and talks about the effects of peace on the east, Middle East, Africa, and Europe. It redraws the borders, shows the alienation of Italy as well as the harshness of German reparations. The failure of the League of Nations is coached in this treaty and these six months were a catastrophe for the world. She also outlines the evolution of America into a world power. MacMillan addresses the contrast among President Woodrow and his European counterparts. Wilson was adamant about international morality; whereas, his counterparts focused on national gains as a result of the war. "Hitler did not wage war because of the Treaty of Versailles," MacMillan writes in her concluding chapter. Even if Germany had retained everything that was taken from it at Versailles, he would have wanted more: "the destruction of Poland, control of Czechoslovakia, above all the conquest of the Soviet Union" as well of course as the annihilation of the Jews."

In the introduction of Paris 1919, MacMillan writes "We know something of what it is to live at the end of a great war. When the Cold War ended in 1989 and Soviet Marxism vanished into the dustbin of history, older forces, religion, and nationalism, came out of their deep freeze." She believes that it is a valid argument that resurgent Islam is our current menace; whereas, in 1919, the menace was Russian Bolshevism. Chapter one is dedicated to discussing Woodrow Wilson and his trip to Europe; a trip that is in itself one for the history books. This is so because never before had a United States President ever traveled to Europe while in office. MacMillan focuses on Wilson's biographical information; discussing when and where he was born and the way of life during this time. She also discusses in great detail, Wilson's struggle with depression and illness. This discussion can lead one to doubt Wilson's credibility and ability to make proper judgments during the Peace Conference, because of his weakened mental state. MacMillan goes so far as to discuss President Wilson's relationships with women and the gossip surrounding such relationships. She writes, "During his first marriage he had close, possibly even romantic, friendships with several women."

Chapter four is dedicated to one of Wilson's counterparts, Lloyd George. This chapter begins almost like a fictional novel. MacMillan writes, "On January 11, David Lloyd George bounded with his usual energy onto a British destroyer for the Channel crossing." This is a rather playful description of the British leader. It seems a bit out of place in a historical rendition of a vastly serious world event. MacMillan goes into great detail about his character and physical appearance as well. MacMillan seems to place great emphasis on building up the British leader. Her objectivity can be questioned because of her familial connection to Lloyd George; she is his granddaughter, a fact that she fails to acknowledge in Paris 1919: Six Months that Changed the World. Armed with this information, it is hard for the reader not to see the pedestal Lloyd George is placed upon by MacMillan.

MacMillan's chapter five moves beyond the descriptions of the leaders and moves into their unity as the "League of the People." It is in this chapter in which MacMillan deals with the composition of the Supreme Council. In addition to discussing the Council, MacMillan deems it important to provide the reader with descriptions of meeting places and how they appear present day. She writes, "The great staterooms at the Quai d'Orsay have survived the passage of time and a later German occupation surprisingly well." She goes so far as to even describe the furnishings and color scheme of the room. MacMillan provides a great deal of information on the meeting held in places such as this. She writes that the Supreme Council met at least once a day, sometimes two or three times. These events led to the creation of The League of Nations, which MacMillan writes, "Only a handful of eccentric historians still bother to study the League of Nations."

MacMillan recorded a thorough rendition of the Peace Conference of 1919 in Paris 1919. She left no area of interest untouched. Her four hundred ninety-four page work is broken into eight lengthy units which include thirty chapters total. She includes maps of Europe in 1914, Germany and Europe in 1920, East Central Europe in 1919, The Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916, The Middle East from the Treaty of Sevres to the Treaty of Lausanne, China and the Pacific 1914-1919, and Africa in 1919. She also includes many different photographs taken during the Peace Conference and its surrounding events. She addresses issues in many different countries; such as, China, Poland, Palestine, Italy, Austria, Hungary, and Yugoslavia to name a few. MacMillan's appendix is composed of Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and nothing else. She has a very extensive bibliography and an extensive note section. MacMillan's evaluations of the many different works lead to a rather interesting historical rendition of a complicated and controversial period in history.

There is little doubt that the events, and the outcome, of the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 played a major role in changing the world. Every historian discussed in this paper believed this to be so. Their views on certain aspects of the Conference, and how significant certain aspects were, may vary. All works are presented, in their forewords, as objective historical works that are composed of by extensive evaluations of other historical works and documents. The Illusion of Peace: International Relations in Europe 1918-1933 by Sally Marks, The Peace Conference of 1919 by F.S. Marston, Great Britain, France, and the German Problem 1918-1939 by W.M. Jordan, and Paris 1919: Six Months that Changed the World by Margaret MacMillan have provided readers with different views of the Conference. The way in which these historians composed their views of the Conference is termed historiography, which can described as, simply, a historical form of literature. A more accurate description of historiography is that it is the principles, theories, or methodology of scholarly historical research and presentation. Marks, Marston, Jordan, and MacMillan combined all of these aspects to carry on the legacy of Peace Conference of 1919 and the end of the First World War.

References

Jordan. W.M. Great Britain, France, and the German Problem 1918-1939. Surrey, England: Gresham Press, 1971.

MacMillan, Margaret. Paris 1919: Six Months that Changed the World. New York: Random House, 2001.

Marks, Sally. The Illusion of Peace: International Relations in Europe 1918-1933. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1976.

Marston, F.S. The Peace Conference of 1919. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1944.

The National Centre for History Education. "What is Historiography-and why is it Important?" Available from http://www.hyperhistory.org/index.php?option=displaypage&Itemid=735&op=page. Internet; accessed 23 April 2008.

Courtney Kennon is a mother and wife. She holds a Bachelors Degree in Interdisciplinary Studies with emphasis in Education, History, and English from Arkansas State University. She is in the process of pursuing her non-traditional teaching license in hopes of becoming an elementary educator.

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Thursday, February 11, 2010

Woodrow Wilson Scolding the Senate

A little group of willful men, representing no opinion but there own, have rendered the Government of the United States helpless and contemptible. -- statement made in reference to certain members of the Senate [March 4, 1917] - from Bartlett's Familiar Quotations

Thursday, February 4, 2010

How Did the Global Financial Crisis and Bubble Happen?

Former FED Chairman Alan Greenspan made a very interesting comment when he testified before congress after the Global Financial bubble burst of late 2008. When asked how did this happen, he made a number of astute observations and comments, of course the most telling and one that has been repeated the most was; "I couldn't believe that bankers would act this way against their own interests" or something to that point.

Was it more irrational exuberance, only this time aimed at the banking sector? Well, if you'd like to read an extremely good book on the reality of "rational investment" on Wall Street than boy to I have a good book recommendation for you. The book is a really good read, but very detail oriented and philosophically based, which 100s of names, theories, examples, observations and a good bit of history on economic thought, and financial theory. The book is:

"The Myth of the Rational Market: A History of Risk, Reward, and Delusion on Wall Street" by Justin Fox; Harper Business Book Publishers; New York, NY; 2009.

As the author takes you through some 350 pages, he never actually answers the question, which is the suggested in the title of the book; are markets rational? But, that is okay, as the reader, if intellectually endowed will have a very good understanding by the time they finish. All the pros and cons, and theories of this question are addressed.

I very much enjoyed the history, and his lectures on the evolution of economic and financial thinking. There were many folks listed in the book, as well as all their arguments. I enjoyed the comments about Warren Buffet, and the top academic scholars on investment theory, portfolio allocation schemes, capital asset pricing, and option pricing. Action packed with references galore, it's all here. Think on this.

Lance Winslow - Lance Winslow's Bio. Lance Winslow is also Founder of the Car Wash Guys, a cool little Franchise Company; www.carwashguys.com/history/founder.html/.

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Lance Winslow - EzineArticles Expert Author

Thursday, January 28, 2010

Why the Free Market System Works

The free market system is becoming more and more popular across the world even as it is under attack here in the United States. You can even see China starting to realize the benefits of the free market system.

Supply and demand are the main driving forces behind this type of system. Supply and demand works like a set of checks and balances. When the demand for a product over shadows the supply, the price of that product will shoot up. When the supply outweighs the demand, the market will correct itself and prices will drop.

The best part about this type of market system is that consumers are free to buy anything they want and are not forced by the government to buy anything they don't want. The producers of goods can manufacture whatever they want and are free to wildly succeed or fail. That is what has made America the richest country in the world.

Critics will argue "what about the poor"? The truth is that our poor are better off than a large majority of the rest of the world's population and that have the opportunity to succeed as wildly as they have failed. The government isn't there to lift them up or hold them down. In fact, government programs such as unemployment benefits and food stamps only act to make people comfortable in poverty. The only way to reverse this is to make them uncomfortable in poverty so they will do something about it.

Don't get me wrong, I feel strongly that we as citizens of the United States of America have a responsibility to help out the less fortunate. The more successful we are the more we should help out. However, it should be on a voluntary basis, not forced by the government. The government is wasteful and inefficient.

President Grover Cleveland understood this very well. During his presidency there was a huge drought and the farmers in Texas lost all their crops. A plan was presented to him about the government coming to the aid of these farmers. Not only did he veto it, he strongly scolded those in favor of it and reminded them that it was not the government's responsibility to bail these farmers out. He pointed out that it was the responsibility of their fellow man to help them.

President Cleveland was right as millions of dollars of support poured in to these people with very little waste. The most surprising thing may that President Cleveland was a democrat yet still understood the importance of limited government.

Dustin has been writing online articles on a variety of subjects for years. He also operates several websites includingWooden Folding Chairs and Cheap Folding Chairs

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Thursday, January 21, 2010

Woodrow Wilson Defending America

"The world must be made safe for democracy."

"The day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured." From Bartlett's Familiar Quotations With these words Woodrow Wilson lead the United States into World War I.

Thursday, January 14, 2010

A Review of Barack Obama's The Audacity of Hope

In his book, The Audacity of Hope, President Barak Obama addresses issues that catapulted him to fame and brought the hope that he would be a prominent presidential election candidate. The book is originally his speech in Illinois state elections for senate chamber which has been delivered in 2004 in only 20 minutes. Later in 2006 he published that speech under the title "Audacity of Hope" that has the same themes he touched upon in the campaign speech in 2004.

Chapter one

The first chapter of the book is dedicated to two American parties, Democrats and Republicans. In this chapter, Obama contents that the congress is now more partisan than other times and that these two parties should overlook the differences and show collegiality and fellow feeling. He is not a supporter of mere partisan stance by the democrats against Republicans, nor does he agree with the old and worn out partisan poses or the Republicans. He hopes that Democrats show a sense of cooperation, while adhering to the central trends of the party.

Chapter two

He then in chapter two has recourse to politician behavior in the American political and social scene, asserting that in the age of information, not any of the politicians can remain exempt from the public scrutiny in the case of blunder. He calls for more adherences to political values in the face of conflict for sheer power. He also objects that the Democrat loss of offices comes from the internal factions and also from a more divisiveness with the Republicans. He admits that political scene dose not permit politician to remain true to their values. He finally hopes that the leaders of the two parties converge in the direction that its outcome be the nation's profit.

Chapter three

Then in chapter 3 Obama gives an account of legislation debate in which the law makers are actually reluctant to amendments necessary to make the law up-to-date according to the needs and requirements of the day. Personally, Obama is in the front who support the idea that, though the constitution is the historical phenomenon, we can have special cased that according to which this constitutions shows flexibility of interpretation. He generally supports this flexibility, when facing the needs of an ever-growing world.

Chapter four

Obama in chapter 4 goes back to previous discussion of politics and politicians, saying that special interest groups have an influence on them, who seek out their special interest during any political event. Obama declares that in order to tackle the problem of being at service of special interest groups and increase the efficacy of any political system, politicians should be true to the morality and values of the party. He, then, calls for democrats' appeasing the power-seeking parties and attitudes, so that they are able to serve their constituency better.

Chapter five

Obama, in chapter 5, this time targets economy and US economy in particular and considers its impact in social, cultural and political domains. According to him economic inefficiency is to the loss of the poor and marginalized people, but his own meetings with the prominent and wealthy people attests that his view is ironically also true.

Chapter six

He then, touches upon school reform, which has been implemented through empirical research. Religion and religious faith is Obama's next resort in his book, by which he contends republican show- off of the religious faith. He gives an account of his journey from atheism to faith and that religious faith has strengthened his personal and moral convictions. Obama objects that since Americans are deeply religious, the only by which democrats can win this people's consent is remaining in a sense of ease to religious faith. He concludes that religious tolerance is the best way to, for the two parties to have common grounds for ideas, not a hotspot in which they lead full-fledged war.

Chapter seven

Race is dominant theme in chapter 7. In this Obama admits that, although the institutionalized form of racial discrimination has been ended, but with a look at American social scene, one can notice subtle form of discrimination is still present, however this prejudice dose not stem from fundamentally race-based attitudes, but from sheer ignorance of its perpetrators. Obama wants all Americans to disagree with any cases of discrimination in order to uproot this filthy phenomenon from Black experience of life.

Chapter eight

Chapter 8 of the book is a scene in which Obama arranges American role in international politics and relations. He asserts that US defense budget is not in accord with the new patterns and needs of international relations and that American must attempt to assume more responsibility in facing the new paradigms emerging after 9 September 2001. In Iraq war issue, he believes that unilateralism was misguided and it has been poorly handled by Republican administration. He admits more multilateral efforts in solving world problems and that the Americans needlessly have been complacent about their role and function regarding the world affairs.

Chapter nine

The last chapter is family in which Obama gives his own childhood accounts. Obama here contends that Republican's stance over the family in posing personal dogmas in the frame of the law is not true to the private aspects of personal life. He finally asserts that in order to provide a center for children to thrive in, the families should have an unshakeable foundation and for that, supportive policies and personal responsibility must be dominant among the collective attitudes toward family.

Thursday, January 7, 2010

The Failed Presidency of James Buchanan

James Buchanan was the fifteenth President of the United States. Few presidents before him had as much experience in public life as he, but his presidency was to be an utter failure. A study of his presidency may prove to have some lessons for the current administration.

Buchanan was born in Pennsylvania of prosperous Scotch-Irish parents. After graduating from Dickinson College he became a highly successful lawyer and was elected to Congress in 1820 after serving in the Pennsylvania legislature as a Whig. When the Whig party collapsed he followed Andrew Jackson and became an important democratic leader.

Buchanan served as minister to Russia and, in 1934, was elected to the Senate where he served for ten years. He became Secretary of State under James K. Polk in 1844. After a couple of failed attempts for the presidency, Buchanan finally secured the Democratic Presidential nomination in 1854 with support from the South and was elected president in November of that year. As President Buchanan was beholden to the South his pro south policies and his inability to compromise in the face of sectional pressures proved to be disastrous for the Democratic Party.

In order to uphold the southern view that a territorial legislature could not prohibit slavery, Buchanan secretly influenced a northern justice of the Supreme Court into voting with the southern Supreme Court majority against the legality of the Missouri Compromise giving us the infamous Dred Scott decision. His expansionist policies further exacerbated sectional tensions and his endorsement of the admission the State of Kansas to the Union as a slave state after he had earlier pledged for a fair vote proved to be politically disastrous.

A depression in 1857, Buchanan's opposition to northern sponsored economic recovery legislation and the fact that his was the most corrupt administration since the countries founding did further harm his administration. With all this, Buchanan found himself desperately trying to avoid a civil war as states threatened to secede from the union. Even though he was able to work out an informal agreement to temporarily preserve the union, it was small recompense for the damage done. He handed over the reins of power to President Lincoln in 1809 and withdrew from politics.

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Friday, January 1, 2010

Happy New Year - 2010

Wishing you and yours a Healthy and Prosperous New Year!

Joe Conigliaro
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